Wednesday, May 15, 2019

Drawing upon general theories of transitional justice, analyse the Essay

Drawing upon general theories of transitional justice, learn the strengths and weaknesses of Rwandas experimental familiarity - Essay ExampleSince transitional justice is interdisciplinary, it addresses some(prenominal) social elements and provides judicial approaches that the gacaca philanders atomic number 18 offering in Rwanda. Rwandas experimental Gacaca courts are grassroots, village or community- base hearings wherein the community judges, defends as tumefy as prosecutes individuals accused of genocide crimes1. Based on bare outcomes of various hearings, the gacaca court brass has several strengths associated with sociological, economic, cultural, and psychological benefits. Some of the economic benefits include timeliness, cost, and social drain of individuals in the prison. Besides, social relations efficaciously addressed by Gacaca courts include the perpetrators mentality or mind-set, and the general social intent of creating a unified community as well as country . However, Gacaca courts have several weaknesses, which include procurement of suspects, procedural issues, deprivation of rights of the defendant, and court legitimacy problems2. This essay will analyze the strengths and weaknesses of Rwandas experimental community-based gacaca courts based on general theories of transitional justice. It will consider how Rwanda incorporates truth, retributive, and reconciliatory techniques of resolving conflict to address the 1994 genocide cases. Furthermore, the entailment of Gacaca courts in attaining social, economic, and political needs of post-genocide Rwanda will be analyzed. Strengths of the Gacaca Courts Economic Benefits Gacaca trials have cost-related benefits because they are carried out in the communities and neighborhoods where the offenses occurred. The community-based Gacaca courts avoid enormous overhead cost that would be incurred by the government such as court be, utilities, housing, and transportation. Furthermore, judges of Gacaca courts are paid low wages, although lack of financial benefit among judges raises arguments concerning the effectiveness of these Rwandan courts. The gacaca trials do not involve lawyers or other sanctioned salaried representation for the defendant, but allows individuals in the community to represent the accused3. However, failure to involve official representation to argue for the accused has several negative aspects associated with the non-existence of collect process rights. In this sense, the accused may lack fair treatment in the process. Despite these shortcomings, it is apparent that Rwanda is applying a cost-effective system to deliver justice to her immense population. This is basically attributed to Gacaca courts reliance on operate of judges as members of the community, and voluntary contributions of the communities to the trials. Another economic-related strength of Gacaca courts is timeliness. The Gacaca system avoids the slow-moving process of delivering jus tice and costs of formal trials that would greatly drain the economy of Rwanda. It also addresses economic drain, which result from the prison system. By disposing of the cases promptly, the Gacaca system prevents labor drain caused by imprisoned individuals who become unproductive members of the community4. Social-Relations Benefits The Rwandan society benefits on micro as well as macro levels from the gacaca courts, and its capability to consider particular sociological prototypes of perpetrators of the genocide. Most individuals accused at the Gacaca courts do not have

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